Manipur
conflict – an analysis of its origin and reasons thereof
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| Manipur in turmoil |
The Manipur incident had exploded as a
national news way back after the 3rd May, 2023 incident, when a Kuki
protest congregation had turned violent and attacked Meitei villages and
inflicted casualties, which appeared to be a pre-mediated event. However, the violence after initially
simmering vigorously for a few months, was slowly settling down, when the
current spate of rocket and so called drone attacks, has again catapulted the State
onto the national news headlines. Although
a senior Police functionary has turned down the drone attack theory, which was
purportedly being circulated as a fake video of some other conflict zone, but
the deep distrust amongst the two tribes has just started simmering again, just
before the assembly elections are due for some north Indian States, slated to begin
in a few months’ time and the Election Commission has already notified the
same. This made me do a bit of research
and to publish this current blog, about my take on this issue.
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| The map of Manipur |
A
brief Geography, culture and History
[This part covers
the tribes of Manipur and their origin etc. of Meitei’s]
The State of Manipur is a small State in
the North-eastern region of India. It is
geographically situated being bordered by Nagaland in the North, Mizoram in the
South, Cachar district of Assam in the West and bordering Myanmar in the East.
The land surface of Manipur is 22,347 sq. kms. About 90% of the land mass of
Manipur is mountainous. In 1826, Manipur
was brought into India by the treaty of Yandavo by Raja Jai Singh with the
British at the end of the Indo-Burmese war. This followed a dispute in
accession to the throne. With the intervention of the British, the dispute was settled.
In 1891 Churachand was nominated the Raja and it came under British rule as a
princely state. During World War-II, Imphal (capital of Manipur) was occupied
by the Japanese. After Indian independence Manipur became a Union Territory and
subsequently achieved statehood in January 21, 1972.
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| The Meitei's of Manipur |
The
people of Manipur comprise of Meitei,
Bishnupriyas, Naga, Meitei Pangal (Muslim Meitei community) and other smaller
communities which have lived together in complete harmony for centuries. The inhabitants of Manipur have been
identifying themselves as "Manipuris" since centuries. The land of Manipur
was formerly divided into small territories occupied by different clans, namely
- Khumals, Moirangs, Angoms, Luwangs, Ningthoujas etc. The territories occupied
by them were identified as per the names of their respective clans. Some of the
clans are of Aryan branches and some belong to Kuki-chin branch. Therefore, different clans of the Aryan and
Mongoloid people lived side by side in Manipur for centuries. In course of time
the Meitei’s (the Ningtauja clan) occupied all the territories towards 15th
century AD and established a sovereign kingdom known as ‘Meitei Leipak’ (the
land of Meiteis). Historians also
equivocally agree that the Bishnupriyas were also living in the Valley of
Manipur from centuries before the establishment of that "Meitei-
Laipak" (Sometimes refers as to be Senalaipak, Kongleipak, Metrabak etc.).
The Meiteis called the Bishnupriyas as ‘Mayangs’ and the history Manipur can be
traced back the 7th century AD, it could have its origin earlier too, but the
same is not well documented.
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| A Meitei Pangal (Muslim) family in Manipur |
As regards the name Meitei and
Bishnupriya, there is a story prevalent and found in local Meitei purana or
puya called "Khumal Purana". This purana states that conversion of
Meiteis into Hinduism by Shri Santidas Babaji in 19th century at the instance
of the then King Shri Pamhaiba and it was aimed at linking up the with the
Aryans, the mainstream of people of Manipur and their language too with
Sanskrit. The Aryans, the followers of Lord Vishnu denied to accept the
initiation by Shri Santadas Babaji , whereas the others accepted. Thus, the
Manipuri people Aryan and Kuki-chin group have been classified and renamed as
Bishnupriya and Meiteis. Thus, the term
‘Manipur’ and ‘Manipuris’ have been in use by both the Meiteis and the
Bishnupriyas commonly with equal right to them; and practically, people of both
these clans used these two terms ‘Manipur’ and ‘Manipuris’ without any reservation
to identify their land and themselves respectively. Further, culturally, the Meiteis and
Bishnupriyas cannot be distinguished from each other. Both these two clans
developed a homogeneous culture and the concept of being one community was
ingrained over centuries.
[Origin etc. of Kuki’s]
Much of the history that we know about
the Kukis is through colonial
records. The name “Kuki” was perhaps used for the first time in British
documents in 1777 when the British Governor General Warren Hastings was asked
for help against Kuki raids from the hills by the chief of Chittagong. Incidentally, these tribes were also called
Lushais by the British and Chins by the Burmese. Historians believe that the
name “Kuki” itself is an exonym, meaning that it was a name given by outsiders
of a community or group of communities and not one native to the state of
Manipur. The 1886 Gazetteer of
Manipur which was based on this census data further recorded approximately
8,000 ‘old Kukis’ in Manipur, who traditionally lived in the state, and about 17,000
‘new Kukis’ who migrated from Lushai Hills in the south during the early 19th
century. These tribes, which later came
to be identified and referred to as Kuki-Chin groups had similar linguistic and
cultural affinities and their populations are found in all north eastern states
of India today (apart from Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim).
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| Kuki's of Manipur |
In a critique of the largely colonial
historiography of the Kukis, other historians and researchers, especially
indigenous academics, have found this view of Kukis as painted by colonial
writings as deeply erroneous and one-sided.
Anecdotes about the exogamous origins of the word “Kuki” which some
colonial accounts dubbed as a “Bengali word” and the “perceived notion that
they (Kukis) were immigrants from the south in the latter half of the 19th
Century remains the “most erroneous view” of a deeply subjective colonial
historiography,” noted Haoginlen Chongloi in his paper “Wave Theory Kuki
Perspective on Migration”. Professor
Gangumei Kabui also noted the same in his article ‘History of Manipur’.
%20Cadres%20at%20the%20outfit's%20headquarters%20Hebron%20Camp%20in%20Nagaland.jpg) |
| Some foreign backed Kuki militants in Manipur |
On the other hand, Kukis of present day Manipur can be traced back to as early as the historic
times along with or after the Meitei advent in Manipur Valley, explains
Ngamjahao Kipgen, Associate Professor of Sociology at the Department of
Humanities and Social Sciences of the Indian Institute of Technology Guwahati. Kuki academic Thongkholal Haokip adds that
Buddhist literature written by Lama Taranathaduring the 15th century also has
accounts of Kukis (Ko-ki) in their present habitat. Incidentally, Pooyas, traditional records
maintained by Meitei Kings mention how “two Kuki chiefs named Kuki Ahongba and
Kuki Achouba were allies to Nongba Lairen Pakhangba, the first historically
recorded king of the Meithis [Meiteis], in the latter’s mobilization for the
throne in 33 AD,” Haokip wrote in a 2010 paper. “The question of their citizenship
undebatable”. Chongloi adds that Kukis followed a wave pattern of migration and
these patterns can be traced with respect to the location of the purported “khul”
or cave to which the Kukis mythologically trace their origin. The question, then, should perhaps not be
about when the Kukis came to Manipur but instead framed as “Who are the people
who identify as Kuki and since when?” Such a probe seems to better describe the
complexities of the historical narratives surrounding Kukis.
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| High Court orders leading to protests - a collage of reportings |
In Kuki mythology and cultural history,
the Kuki-Chins emerged from a cave called ‘Sinlung’, or a rock called
‘Chhinlung’ or from the ‘khul’. While the location of this khul orits actual
existence has remained unverified, the place is real in the collective memory
of the Kuku-Chin people and an important aspect of their identity-building
process. “In their self-perception, the
Kuki-Chin groups believe that all of them originated from the same place and
that they have a common social origin and share descent”, Kipgen writes. For instance, many Kuki groups believe the
mythical folk hero Gaalngam to be their progenitor. His “history” is recorded
in material artefacts like footprints, paw marks, engravings on rock slabs,
etc. Present-day Churachandpur district of Manipur, a stronghold of Kukis, is
said to house the footprints of the mythical Gaalngam and his herds of Mithun
and there is even a memorial on the spot to mark the place by the Hmar Kuki
tribe that refers to him as their “grandfather”. While these myths cannot really be verified,
as with myths of other religions, they play an important role in building the
cultural identity of Kukis and find resonation in songs, art, poetry, cultural
events and even bedtime stories of Kukis.
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| Some Kukis with placards in Mizoram - instance of foreign hand clearly seen |
Among the Kukis, there has been a
perception of a single homeland for all Kukis tribes-Zale’n-gam. While the
physical demarcations of this homeland might not be found on any map, the place
exists in the memories of the Kuki ancestors. “Zale’n-gam is an ideological concept
propounded by PS Haokip, the President of the KNO, which means ‘freedom of the
people in their land’,” Kipgen explains. Haokip propagated the ideology of Zale’n-gam
as the means to unite the erstwhile ancestral domain of the Kukis prior to the
British rule and restore the Kuki nation Zale’n-gam. It encapsulates and
expounds the essence of Kuki history and nationalism and the restoration of the
erstwhile Kuki territory in the pre-colonial period. “There has been a desire to unify all the
Kuki inhabited areas into a single administrative unit. Currently, their demand is for a separate
homeland/Kukiland within the framework of the Constitution. However, Kipgen highlights that despite the
Kukis’ search for Zale’n-gam beyond the Meitei kingdom of Kangleipak (Manipur),
the two communities have coexisted peacefully for time immemorial and did not
interfere in each other’s internal affairs, even offering help in the face of
common enemies. An example of this amity
was noted in 1810 when the then Meitei King Chourajit sought help from Kukis to
fight the Burmese army. Historians also state that Kuki chiefs supplied
irregulars to guard the Meitei Maharajah and his Kingdom which was resisting
the merger agreement on the eve of Manipur’s annexation to India in 1949 when
the kingdom was merged with the Indian Union.
Political
scenario of Manipur after India’s Independence
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| Recent Meitei march in Imphal |
Manipur had ceased to be an independent
kingdom in 1891 when Britain took it over after its victory in the
Anglo-Manipur War. The assassination of British officials led to the Battle of
Khongjom, officially commemorated by the state on 23rd of April
every year. Another tragedy related to
the conflict, celebrated annually as
Patriots’ Day, is
the public hanging
in Imphal of two
prominent combatants, Thangal
General and Tikendrajit
Yuvaraj on August 13, 1891. The
loss of the
state to Britain
was acknowledged as
part of British India’s expansion
to defend its eastern borders, which inevitably resulted in the loss of
Manipur’s independence. As Britain did not annex the Kingdom, but Manipur
became another indigenous State
with administrative and
political sovereignty vested
in the Maharaja, but restricted to
the Valley, and Britain
overseeing the outer Hill districts
populated by tribal
people. The presence
of a British resident in
Imphal emphasized the ‘independent’ kingdom’s
sub-ordinate position even more. British
deepened the divide between the hills and the valley, as per their doctrine of
‘divide and rule’, which is more or less a source of conflict in recent times.
Manipur has had a chequered political history.
In 1946, Irabot and Longjam Bimol
established the Praja Sangh political party to achieve an
independent Manipur. Their goal
entailed the creation of a
parliament, constitution and
a cabinet replacing the
monarchy in which the people’s
representatives would govern
the state based
on socialist principles. These
ideals faced opposition from individuals who went
on to form
the Manipur Congress,
a political party
that had no affiliation with the Indian National Congress. In 1947, a constitution- making
committee, chaired by F.F. Pearson,
President of the Manipur State Durbar, drafted the Manipur Constitution.
Following India’s independence from
British rule in 1947, India’s first Home
Minister, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, initiated the integration of more
than six hundred
princely kingdoms into
the newly formed Indian Union. The process of assimilating these incongruent
states was lengthy. After India gained its independence, Akbar Hydari, the Governor
of Assam at the time, visited Manipur to
evaluate the political situation and
examine the possibility
of Manipur becoming
a part of
India. Hydari’s visit provided the central government insights into the
views of both the Maharaja and the people of Manipur, which helped the Indian
government in its decision-making process.
In September 1949, Maharaja Bodh Chandra
Singh was invited by Akbar Hydari to Shillong for discussions on integration.
On the first day of the conference,
Hydari presented the
Maharaja with a pre-written
‘Merger Agreement,’ which
stipulated the integration of
Manipur into the Indian Union.
The Maharaja insisted that the deal could not be signed without consulting the Council
of Ministers. Despite his offer of
consultations, the Maharaja was placed under house arrest and barred from
communicating with anyone outside. Consequently,
on September 21, 1949, the Maharaja was coerced into signing the ‘Merger
Agreement’ with India. The newly formed Indian government in New Delhi
dismissed the then elected Manipur government, and pressed Maharaja Bodh Chandra
to sign a
merger agreement on
that day. The Assembly was dissolved, and Manipur was
reduced to a ‘Part-C state,’ and designated as a Chief Commissioner’s Province
on October 15, 1949. At this time Manipur’s
Kuki leaders, rejected the Manipur Merger Agreement, believing it compromised
the geographical integrity of the Kukis.
An
Advisory Council was
formed in 1950
to make recommendations on the State’s management
and Manipur was designated as a Union Territory on
November 1, 1955. It was replaced by a Territorial Council of thirty elected
and two nominated members in 1957. Despite
lacking functional power, the Government of
Union Territories Act of 1963
created a Legislative
Assembly of thirty
elected and three nominated members.
The top executive
was appointed at
the rank of Lieutenant Governor on December 19, 1969. Following
lengthy protests in Manipur and elsewhere in India, Manipur was granted full
statehood on January 21, 1972, and the same year witnessed the first state
elections held under Indian sovereignty.
This merger of the State with India in
1949 nevertheless led to a wider gulf between the hill dwellers and the plains
men. Under this new system, various hill
areas under the British administration became a ‘Scheduled Area’ and the Acts
forbid the plain peoples (Meiteis) to settle in tribal areas/the hilly region.
This clearly alienates the Meiteis and the tribals (the Nagas and the Kukis),
Kipgen adds. Over the past decades the Kuki
identity, however, has also undergone changes with several Kuki groups claiming
tribalistic self-assertion. The Hmars, an old Kuki tribe, claim to identify
neither as Naga nor Kuki while some other Kuki tribes like the Anal and the Monsang,
are assimilating Naga identity. These
shifts, however, now bears the effect of the ongoing violence between Kukis and
Meiteis in Manipur, which has put the Kuki identity at the center of
controversy and further complicated Kuki identity as it fights a violent battle
for legitimacy against the dominant majority of the land.
There was a spate of insurgency related
incidents, fueled specifically by the Kuki militant organizations, as a
result of the
violence in Manipur,
successive Indian
governments have resorted
to strong measures
to maintain order, including declaring the entire state a ‘Disturbed Area,’ and authorizing the implementation of
the Armed Forces
Special Powers Act
(AFSPA). The AFSPA is
designed to grant special powers
to the Armed Forces in counter insurgency and
terrorist operations when
other forces fail
to control the situation.
The law allows
the armed forces
to conduct proactive operations
against insurgents in hostile
environments. While the
AFSPA is applicable
only in the
Disturbed Areas, the
authority to declare an area as
such rests with the central and state governments. Recent actions by the Manipur government have
heightened tensions and exacerbated the
Kuki community’s sense of
discrimination and insecurity,
such as the temporary suspension
of the Free Movement Regime (FMR) that had been activated by India and Myanmar
in January 2018 to allow movement of
villagers living along their 1,643
km-long border. The suspension was extended in
November 2022 because it was
believed that the FMR may
lead to further increase in the
illegal entry of Myanmar
nationals into India in view of the political turmoil in Myanmar. The FMR allows tribes living along the border
to travel 16 km across either side of the border without visa
restrictions. There are over 250
villages with more than 300,000 people living within 10 km. of the border who
frequently cross the border through 150 small and large formal and informal
border crossings. Moreover, the Kukis
feel discriminated against due to the decision of the Government to suspend
this free passage eviction drives.
The Kukis perceive
these actions as
targeting their community,
particularly the Chin-Kuki tribe, although the government claims that
the measures had affected
various communities, including
the Meiteis.
How
insurgency affected Manipur in the past
However, the story of Manipur insurgency
and AFSPA would be incomplete without mention of the role of Irom Chanu Sharmila. The Government at the center (i.e. Government
of India) during the past were not very much concerned with the affairs of the
States of north east India, as a result, wherever there was any armed insurgency
related issues, the response was always a knee-jerk reaction, by responding
with the magnitude of armed response that was commensurate with the gravity of
the situation i.e. deployment of CRPF or Assam Rifles or Armed forces and
promulgation of AFSPA etc., as the case maybe.
A simple search in respect of such incidents in all the north eastern
states be it Assam, Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Tripura or Nagaland, will
reflect unnecessary use of force by the central government on many occasions.
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| Irom Chanu Sharmila - a lone crusader in Manipur |
Due to long standing insurgency, the
AFSPA was in force in Manipur since.
There were two major armed insurgent groups of Kuki militants operating
both from within and outside India in Manipur and the main militant groups were
the NSCN-IM (that entered a ceasefire agreement with India in 1997), Kuki
National Organization (KNO) and the United People’s Front (UPF) that had
entered into an agreement for ‘Suspension of Operation’ (SoO) with the GoI way
back on 22nd August, 2008.
The oldest armed insurgent group of Manipur was the United National
Liberation Front (UNLF) that has been operating in the State since 1964 and the
other major militant groups affiliated with the Meitei’s and were largely Meitei
backed were the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), People’s
Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK), Kangleipak Communist Party
(KCP) and Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL), but they had stayed clear of any
negotiation with GoI till they signed a deal in November, 2023. However, despite the various agreements
between the militant groups and Government of India (GoI), AFSPA continued in
Manipur and several incidents of uncalled for Civil Rights violation had been
documented and demonstrations and protests lodged by people of Manipur against
such atrocities from time to time. Amongst
them the role of Irom Chanu Sharmila,
who launched a non-violent agitation against imposition of AFSPA is a chapter
from Manipur history that cannot be overlooked.
On November 5, 2000, a frail young woman from Manipur quietly sat on a
hunger strike at Malom, near the site where three days earlier 10 civilians
were shot dead while waiting at a bus stand by Indian paramilitary forces. Irom
Chanu Sharmila had resolved to fast until the draconian Armed Forces (Special
Powers) Act, (AFSPA), was repealed by the Central government.
In that dignified, peaceful protest that
lasted 16 years — considered the world’s longest hunger strike – a most
unlikely icon of 21st century India was born. Not only did Irom Sharmila become
a symbol of non-violent resistance against the brute force of the establishment
and armed forces, she also assumed the stature of an incorruptible,
uncompromising martyr for the people of not just Manipur, but all the States
where AFSPA was imposed. From a normal, life-loving, gentle young woman, Irom
Sharmila became the “Iron Lady of Manipur”; she was also “Mengoubi”, or the
“Fair One”. Despite her political foray
turning out to be a disastrous one, yet her contribution for Manipur is
singular and praise worthy.
Conclusion
- What is my take on the Manipur scenario
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| Houses were set ablaze in Torbung area of Churachandpur in Manipur on May 4, 2023 |
It
is evident from the above narration that the militancy has been part and parcel
of Manipur’s past. Now the question is
what has prompted this sudden flare-up in the State. Whereas, there are several theories afloat
namely –
a) It is an ethnic
cleansing activity and Hindu Meitei’s are trying to marginalize the Christian
Kuki’s;
b) Is it a conflict
related to the grant of ST status to the Meitei?
c) It is a conflict
being fueled by foreign elements; and
d) Is it a fight
against foreign influx and drugs related issue?
There are a plethora of articles touting
several such theories is floating the internet and some of it is definitely
lopsided presentation. Anti-India
and Misinformation propaganda spreaders accounts from different countries
mainly from Pakistan and Gulf are setting up their fake narrative against India
as usual by giving it a religious clash angle amongst the Hindu Meitei and Kuki
predominantly protestant Christians.
At present the Government of India has
exercised its powers under provisions of Article
371C that came into existence by the 27th amendment of the Constitution of
India in 1971. This article deals with the Special Provision with Respect to
the State of Manipur. This article authorizes the President to provide for the
creation of a committee of Manipur Legislative Assembly consisting of members
elected from hill areas of the state. The central government can give
directions to the state government as to the administration of Hill
Areas. Accordingly, central forces including Assam Rifles have been
deployed to maintain peace and order in the State, which is now being opposed
by the Meitei groups stating that the policing by them have remained
ineffective so far as it has failed to stop the violence and act as mere
spectators. However, there are counter
claims that the local police would be playing a more partisan role i.e. Meitei’s
police personnel helping their side and Kuki’s police personnel their side. Whereas, the militant side of Kuki people is
historically manifest, but the present allegations that are being levelled by
the Meitei are that Kukis are inducting fresh armed insurgents from Myanmar
using the 16 Km. corridor for establishing their superiority in hill tracts and
to continue with the lucrative drugs trade across the Myanmar border. The Kuki’s feel that by allowing Meitei’s to
settle in the hills, it would lead to degradation of culture, trade and seize advantage
in their land. Whereas, the Meitei’s
alleged that the Kuki’s are inducting foreign groups, who are fueling and provoking
he conflict. On the other hand the Kuki
people allege that a shadow militant group known as the ‘Arambai Tenggol’, which in Meitei language translates to “Warrior’s
Blood” and was named after a weapon used by Manipuri kings (Arambai) is spearheading
this movement, but there is no definitive proof of such an organization in
Manipur officially existing as on date.
Another group that Kuki’s point out is the ‘Meitei Leepun’ was
established in 2015. ‘Meitei Leepun’ currently has 14,000 members, who include
senior citizens, women and children, professionals, businessmen, writers, and
activists. There are 1,000 trained cadres among the 14,000 in total and that
this group although touts for peace is actually inclined to unsettle the Kuki
establishment and overrun their land.
In my opinion, this cauldron of Manipur State was already
simmering with mutual mistrust and ambition of Kuki’s to have a separate
administrative control of their region despite being much lower in numbers as
per population census i.e. 53% are Meitei and about 30% are Kuki, juxtaposed to
it Meitei are boxed in 10% geographical area of Manipur and the Kuki have a
hold on remaining 90%. It is evident
that the British, as per their policy of ‘divide and rule’ had made this
administrative exercise willfully, but the successive Governments in India,
failed to assert their administrative skills and address this issue. Whereas, most of the people of North-eastern
States have been designated as Scheduled Tribe’, but despite fulfilling all the
criteria for being acknowledged as a Scheduled Tribe, the Meitei have been left
out from the list. Thus, the Meitei
have a legitimate grudge and despite being persons having their origin in
Manipur (as per details provided above), they have been denied permission to
buy land in the hill tracts, as they are reserved for the Scheduled Tribe i.e.
Kuki, Naga etc. With the population implosion taking place in India, Manipur too has
faced it, but Meitei population having being boxed within confines of Imphal
valley, land has become a priced commodity and they cannot buy land elsewhere
despite being there in their own ancestral land and despite having a bigger
population enjoy only 10% of the geographical land area. It is evident that the Kuki people of
Manipur want to continue with their hold on the hill tracts and growing opium
is a source of easy income for these largely poor tribal people, hence with the High Court order in 2023
seeking response of GoI regarding granting to Scheduled Tribe status, sparked
off the long simmering under current that suddenly burst out like a volcano, in
form of tribal conflict amongst the Kuki’s and Meitei’s on 3rd May,
2023.
Although, now this
conflict has assumed a larger proportion, with foreign countries like China
adding fuel to the fire through the Myanmar Junta by supplying arms and
ammunition. Role of elements like the
Pakistan ISI also cannot be ruled out, especially in view of the recent
Bangladesh incident, as also the involvement of American deep state, including
likes of Mr. George Soros cannot be ruled out as in September, 2023 a Christian
organization during 54th session of the UN Human Rights Council held
a panel discussion and berated India for Human Rights violation and terming the
conflict as ethnic cleansing of Christians.
The interference of foreign elements is thus fudging the original reason
of conflict, which in my opinion stems
from the fact that it is basically a fight for land that has become a scarce
commodity for the Meitei population because of faulty practices of the
Government of India in the decades upto 2020s and this simmering conflict of
interest between the Meitei population and Kuki population has come to a point
eruption between the two communities, each one trying to protect its own
interest and land holdings and there is no religious basis in this fight as is
being touted.
© S. Roy Biswas
*Most
of the photographs have been sourced from the internet to provide a
representative image of the incidents/narrations;
**Articles have been sourced for
study and to research for the article and detailed in the Bibliography below; and
***This is my independent opinion and
not articulated to favor or disfavor any organization or person or persons or
association of persons
Bibliography –
1.
Manipur: Kuki History Struggles To Break
Out Of Colonial Tropes And Majoritarianism - https://www.outlookindia.com/national/manipur-kuki-history-struggles-to-break-out-of-colonial-tropes-and-majoritarianism-news-313949
2.
History of Manipur - https://manipuri.org/index.php/history
3.
When did Kukis reach Manipur and how the
past is shaping the state's present - https://www.indiatoday.in/history-of-it/story/manipur-violence-when-did-kukis-reach-manipur-and-how-past-is-shaping-states-present-2416215-2023-08-04
4.
2000: Irom Sharmila begins fast for
repeal of AFSPA - https://frontline.thehindu.com/the-nation/india-at-75-epochal-moments-2000-irom-sharmila-begins-fast-for-repeal-of-afspa/article65720016.ece
5.
IROM CHANU SHARMILA-AN
ICON OF NON-VIOLENT RESISTANCE - https://ebooks.inflibnet.ac.in/wsp15/chapter/irom-chanu-sharmila-an-icon-of-non-violent-resistance/
6.
Manipur’s oldest valley-based insurgent
group, banned by MHA, signs peace deal with govt, gives up arms - https://theprint.in/india/manipurs-oldest-valley-based-insurgent-group-banned-by-mha-signs-peace-deal-with-govt-gives-up-arms/1864292/
7.
Opinion: Why Manipur Has Hit Rock Bottom
Of Distrust - https://www.ndtv.com/opinion/why-manipur-has-hit-rock-bottom-of-distrust-4129776
8.
Origin of Meitei people - https://northeastindiawiki.wordpress.com/2020/07/04/origin-of-meitei-people/
9.
The Manipur Conflict: Internal
Discontent, Policy Gaps, and Regional Implications - https://thediplomat.com/2024/07/the-manipur-conflict-internal-discontent-policy-gaps-and-regional-implications/
10. What is
really behind the violence in Manipur? - https://frontline.thehindu.com/news/what-is-really-behind-the-violence-in-manipur/article66820969.ece
11. Huge
Row Over World Evangelical Alliance's Geneva Event On Manipur Violence - https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/huge-row-over-world-evangelical-alliances-geneva-event-on-manipur-violence-4408505
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